May Uprising in Madrid. The beginning and course of the uprising
May 2, 1808 uprising in Madrid(Spanish. Dos de Mayo) - the uprising of the inhabitants of Madrid against the occupation of the city by the troops of the French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte, which served as a prelude to a protracted partisan war.
Prerequisites
The beginning and course of the uprising
The spark that ignited the rebels was the attempt by the French Marshal Murat to expel the daughter and youngest son of Charles IV, Francisco de Paula, to Bayonne. Initially, the city's ruling council refused to comply with Murat's demand, but eventually agreed after receiving a letter from Ferdinand VII, who was in Bayonne.
News of the Madrid uprising, arriving on the same day, May 2, in the nearby town of Mostoles, prompted Juan Perez Villamil (Spanish)Russian, the secretary of the Admiralty and the prosecutor of the Supreme Military Council, and the leaders (alcaldes) of the town to sign a declaration of war calling on the Spaniards to fight to drive out the occupiers. After the name of the town, this document was called the Declaration of the Mayors of Mostoles. (Spanish)Russian.
The French occupiers hoped that their swift and brutal repression would show the population that they were the masters of Spain, but in fact the uprising gave a strong impetus to resistance. In the weeks and months that followed, the number of armed uprisings against the French began to increase. May 2 dates the beginning
1814 year. El dos de mayo de 1808 en Madrid. Prado Museum, Madrid.
The Madrid Uprising of 1808 is a popular uprising against the French occupiers on May 2, which marked the beginning of the national liberation struggle of the Spaniards for their independence and the Spanish-French war of 1808-1814. It was held under monarchist slogans in defense of the ruling Bourbon dynasty against the Bonapartist usurpers.
Napoleon I, seeking to seize the Iberian peninsula, under the pretext of strengthening the French army in Portugal, with which France was at war, in late 1807 - early 1808 sent his troops to Spain. On March 23, 1808, a detachment of the Imperial Guard led by Joachim Murat entered Madrid.
The occupation of a large part of Spain by French troops caused a sharp discontent among the people, which led to a crisis in palace circles. The worthless king Charles IV abdicated. His son Ferdinand VII was enthroned. However, Napoleon I did not recognize the new king and, deciding to seize the Spanish throne, summoned Charles IV and Ferdinand VII to France, ostensibly to settle the issue of succession to the throne.
In Madrid, a rumor spread that Murat intended to take out of Spain the last heir of the Infante King (Prince) Francisco de Paula, the younger brother of Ferdinand VII. This was the reason for the uprising.
On 2 May, a crowd began to gather in front of the Royal Palace in Madrid. The congregation entered the building to prevent the expulsion of Francisco de Paula. Murat sent a battalion of grenadiers from the Imperial Guard and artillery crews. Artillery opened fire on the assembled crowd, and the uprising began to engulf other parts of the city.
The Spanish troops who were in the city, according to the orders received, remained in the barracks. The only unit to join the rebels were the artillerymen from the Monteleon barracks.
The commanders of this unit, who led the rebels, Captains Pedro Velarde and Luis Daois, are still considered the heroes of the uprising to this day. Both died during the French attacks on the barracks. Fierce battles in Puerta del Sol, near Puerta Toledo, in the location of the artillery park, continued on May 2 and on the night of May 3.
Death of Captain Pedro Velarde while defending the Monteleon Barracks. Artist Joaquin Sorolla y Bastida.
The suppression of the uprising was followed by severe repression. On the evening of May 2, Murat set up a military tribunal under the chairmanship of General Grusha. The Tribunal pronounced death sentences on everyone captured in arms. In an order issued on the same day, Murat wrote:
« The inhabitants of Madrid, who allowed themselves to be carried away on the wrong path, indulged in rebellion and murder. French blood was shed. It takes revenge. Everyone arrested during the riot, with arms in hand, will be shot».
All public gatherings were banned, and an order was issued to surrender weapons to the French authorities. Hundreds of captured townspeople were executed on the night of May 3, this scene is reflected in Goya's painting "May 3rd, 1808 in Madrid."
The French occupiers hoped that their swift and brutal repression would show the population that they were the masters of Spain, but in fact the uprising gave a strong impetus to resistance.
News of the Madrid uprising, arriving on the same day, May 2, in the nearby town of Mostoles, prompted Juan Perez Villamil, Secretary of the Admiralty and Prosecutor of the Supreme Military Council, and the leaders (alcads) of the town, to sign a declaration of war, calling on the Spaniards to fight for expulsion of the occupiers. After the name of the town, this document was called "Declaration of the Alcades of Mostoles".
The Madrid uprising shook the whole country and served as an impetus for popular uprisings in other areas, which grew into a guerrilla war against the invaders.
May 2 went down in the history of Spain as the beginning of the struggle of the Spanish people for their freedom and national independence.
May 2 is considered a public holiday in the metropolitan area. The site where the Monteleón barracks were located is now Piazza Dos de Mayo (Piazza 2 May). The surrounding neighborhoods are called the Malasaña area, after a teenage girl, Manuela Malasanya, who died in the suppression of the uprising.
More paintings:
1. The uprising on May 2, 1808. Artist Manuel Castellano. 
2. Death of Daois and Velarde in the Monteleon artillery barracks. Artist Leonardo Alensa. 
3. Death of Velarde on May 2, 1808. Artist Manuel Castellano. 
4. The bodies of Luis Daois and Pedro Velarde. Artist Jose Nino y Tudo. 
5. Death of Manuela Malasagni. Artist Eugenio Alvarez Dumont. Manuela Malasaña Onyoro (Spanish Manuela Malasaña, Madrid, March 10, 1791 - Madrid, May 2, 1808) is one of the victims of the Madrid Uprising. She died in the suppression of the uprising by Napoleonic troops who occupied the Spanish capital. Revered as a folk heroine. The circumstances of Manuela's death are not entirely clear. According to one of the versions, she took part in the battles in the Parque de Artillería de Monteleón (Spanish: Parque de Artillería de Monteleón, located on the square that is today called Plaza del 2 de Mayo). Manuela helped bring gunpowder and ammunition for the defenders of the park, under the command of officers Luis Daoíz and Pedro Velarde.According to another version, she was in her sewing workshop, far from the fighting, when French soldiers entered the workshop to search The soldiers allegedly tried to rape Manuela, and when she grabbed the scissors (which were her working tool), they accused her of hiding a weapon and executed her. 
"The uprising of May 2, 1808 in Madrid" (isp. El dos de mayo de 1808 en Madrid ) - painting by a Spanish artist Francisco Goya, written together with the painting " May 3rd, 1808 in Madrid»Spring-summer 1814 year for the arrival of the king Ferdinand VII... Both works were most likely commissioned by the High Council of the Regency, which provided financial assistance to Goya.
In the picture, the artist depicted an episode that happened on the morning of May 2, 1808 when Spanish patriots attacked those serving in the Imperial Guard Napoleon Mamluks and dragoons leading out of the royal palace the youngest infanta Francisco de Paula... The composition, in which there is no single center, conveys the energy of the crowd and the tension of the battle, and the color palette emphasizes the cruelty of what is happening.
When Madrid was bombed during Spanish Civil War Republican government decided to evacuate funds Prado... The truck transporting Goya's works was involved in an accident and the Madrid Uprising on May 2, 1808 was badly damaged. There were cuts in the painting, and some parts of the canvas were lost. After restoration, some of the damage at the left edge was left uncorrected to serve as a reminder to viewers of the civil war. Only during the second restoration in 2008 was the painting completely restored.
Sources of
- Guide to the Prado. - S. 182-183. - ISBN 978-84-8480-188-7.
- Hughes R. Goya. - New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004. - ISBN 0-3945-8028-1.
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An excerpt characterizing the Uprising of May 2, 1808 in Madrid (picture)
Anna Pavlovna Sherer, like the others, showed Pierre the change that had taken place in the public view of him.Previously, in the presence of Anna Pavlovna, Pierre constantly felt that what he was saying was indecent, tactless, not what was needed; that his speeches, which seem clever to him, while he prepares them in his imagination, become stupid as soon as he speaks out loudly, and that, on the contrary, the most stupid speeches of Hippolytus come out clever and sweet. Now whatever he said, everything came out charmant. If even Anna Pavlovna did not say this, then he saw that she wanted to say it, and she only, in respect of his modesty, refrained from it.
At the beginning of winter from 1805 to 1806, Pierre received from Anna Pavlovna the usual pink note with an invitation, in which was added: "Vous trouverez chez moi la belle Helene, qu" on ne se lasse jamais de voir. " you never tire of admiring.]
Reading this passage, Pierre for the first time felt that some kind of connection had formed between him and Helene, recognized by other people, and this thought at the same time frightened him, as if an obligation was imposed on him that he could not keep, and together he liked it, like a funny guess.
Anna Pavlovna's evening was the same as the first, only the novelty that Anna Pavlovna treated her guests was no longer Mortemar, but a diplomat who had arrived from Berlin and brought the freshest details about Tsar Alexander's stay in Potsdam and how the two highest they swore there in an indissoluble alliance to defend a just cause against the enemy of the human race. Pierre was received by Anna Pavlovna with a tinge of sadness, which apparently related to the fresh loss that befell the young man, to the death of Count Bezukhoi (everyone constantly considered it their duty to assure Pierre that he was very upset by the death of his father, whom he hardly knew) - and sadness exactly the same as that highest sadness, which was expressed at the mention of the august Empress Maria Feodorovna. Pierre felt flattered by this. Anna Pavlovna, with her usual art, arranged circles in her drawing-room. A large circle, where Prince Vasily and the generals were, used a diplomat. Another circle was at the tea table. Pierre wanted to join the first, but Anna Pavlovna, who was in an irritated state of the commander on the battlefield, when thousands of new brilliant thoughts come that you barely have time to carry out, Anna Pavlovna, seeing Pierre, touched his sleeve with her finger.
Madrid Uprising of 1808, popular uprising against the French occupation on May 2-3, which marked the beginning of the Spanish Revolution and the Spanish-French War of 1808-1814. Napoleon I striving to seize the Iberian Peninsula, under the pretext of strengthening the French army in Portugal, with which France was at war, at the end of 1807 and the beginning of 1808 he sent his troops to Spain. In March 1808, a detachment of the Imperial Guard, led by I. Murat entered Madrid. The occupation of the French. troops means that parts of Spain caused a sharp discontent with the Nar. masses, which led to a crisis in palace circles. King Charles IV of Spain abdicated power. His son Ferdinand VII was enthroned. However, Napoleon I did not recognize the new king and, deciding to seize the Spanish. throne, summoned Charles IV and Ferdinand VII to France, ostensibly to settle the issue of succession to the throne. In Madrid, a rumor spread that Murat intended to take out of Spain the last heir to the king - the Infante (Prince) Francisco. This was the reason for the uprising. May 2, led by patriotic officers Daons and Velarde, the population of Madrid, armed with guns, knives and stones, shouting "Death to the French!" opposed 25 thousand. French garrison. Fierce battles on pl. Puerta del Sol, near Puerto Toledo, in the location of the artillery park continued on May 2 and on the night of May 3. Having suppressed the uprising, the occupiers brutally dealt with the population of Madrid. The Madrid uprising shook the whole country and served as an impetus for the people. uprisings in other areas, which grew into a broad national liberation movement against the invaders. May 2 went down in the history of Spain as the beginning of the struggle of the Spanish people for national independence.
Used materials of the Soviet military encyclopedia in 8 volumes, volume 5.
The Madrid Uprising on May 2, 1808 - the armed uprising of the population of Madrid against the French occupation, which marked the beginning of the Spanish Revolution of 1808-1814. The reason for the uprising was an attempt by Marshal Murat to take out of Spain on the morning of May 2, the last representative of the royal house, the Infante Don Francisco. The population of Madrid, armed with guns taken from the enemy, knives, sticks, fought against the 25 thousandth French garrison. The most intense battles took place in Puerta del Sol, at Puerta Toledo, as well as in the Artillery Park, where the heroic struggle of the masses was led by the captains Daois and Velarde who showed special courage, with whom the national heroes Lieutenant Jacinto Ruiz and Clara del Rey fell on the battlefield ... The higher nobility and royal officials refused to support the uprising. It was suppressed by the occupier. troops, after which massive repressions and executions began. The Madrid uprising rocked the country; May 2, 1808 went down in the history of Spain as the national day of the struggle of the Spanish people for freedom and national independence.
Soviet Historical Encyclopedia. In 16 volumes. - M .: Soviet encyclopedia. 1973-1982. Volume 8, KOSHALA - MALTA. 1965.
Reasons for the uprising
The political course of the favorite, said the emperor, seemed to me a little suspicious even before Jena. I could see that he is absolutely suspicious if my ambassador there was an intelligent person and would keep me informed about what is happening in Spain. But they didn't serve me well. I was amazed when I met opposition in the Spanish government, to which I was not used, and began to be wary; this change even prompted me to strive to settle the differences that arose between us and Prussia, whereas if it were not for this, I would have readily lifted the glove that the Prussian court had thrown at me so inopportunely for him. I well saw that the Spanish nation was a little dissatisfied, but I thought that only its vanity was offended, and I expected to give it satisfaction afterwards; I confess that I was far from thinking that the declaration of war on me would come from the favorite. I thought he had the best advisors.
I could not delude myself about the plans of this new enemy, said the emperor, but I pretended not to see them. The successes I have just won came in handy. Being a more skillful politician than Godoy, I myself gave him the opportunity to present exhaustive explanations and find me satisfied; I promised myself to take advantage of this in order to take revenge with a bang at the first suitable opportunity, or at least to deprive the Spanish court of the opportunity to create difficulties for me another time. This incident opened my eyes. The Prince of Peace could have made me turn gray on the eve of Jena, but the next day after Jena I was already master of the situation. For one moment I thought the Spaniards were more decisive than they were, and I thought that they had tricked my ambassador by the nose, but this concern was short-lived. The only time Godoy showed energy, he played a more fateful role for Spain than during those years. for many years, when he showed weakness and meanness, publicly dirty with this meanness of his master. He did not think that when a man of his type draws his sword against the sovereign, then one must win or die, because if the kings forgive each other mutual offenses, then they cannot and should not show the same condescension to their subjects. He would have to understand that there can be no forgiveness for a person who, like him, has no roots in the country; common sense and political considerations will not allow forgiveness. He sacrificed Spain to remain the favorite, while Spain sacrificed herself to take revenge on him and those she had in vain considered his supporters. Revolutions are born out of widespread rumors and hostile sentiments among the people. After the very first rifle shot, no explanation is possible: passions flare up, and since people are unable to come to an agreement, they kill each other.
The emperor reiterated that it was precisely these sentiments in Spain that almost compelled him to conclude peace in Berlin and even provide Prussia with good conditions. If the officer who brought the message about the surrender of Magdeburg had arrived an hour later, the peace would have been signed.
According to the emperor, Godoy (for the most part he called him by this name), having learned that the emperor had won a victory over the Prussians, did everything to rub in his glasses about the meaning of the famous proclamation; he pretended, as the emperor remarked jokingly, that it was directed against the Turkish sultan or the Moroccan king.
We fooled each other all the more easily, added the emperor, that each of us was equally interested in being fooled. Seeing that I was inclined to help his sovereign arrange his fate, Godoy supported the plans I had outlined. I did not intend to overthrow Charles IV; I only wanted to provide the security that I needed during the war with England, in order to monitor the implementation of measures that could force England to peace. Isquierdo was in Paris a secret agent of the Prince of Peace and an intermediary in the correspondence between Charles IV and me. As a confidante of the favorite, he was very close to Talleyrand and Murat. For the most part, the negotiations took place without the knowledge of the Spanish ministry and the Spanish ambassador. On our side, Champagny did not interfere with them too clearly. However, he was helpful to me; he is an honest man, very diligent and completely devoted to me. The Spanish king was not averse to profit from the remains of Portugal, and his favorite wanted - in case the king died - to be able to hide from Ferdinand's place in the independent state created for him. Haunted by the contempt of the nation and the envy of the grandees, with no other support than the favor of the king and queen, which he could lose at any moment, he signed everything I wanted. Murat and Talleyrand, especially the first, were privy to all his fears and hopes. Intoxicated with vanity, he thought that I could forget his behavior, since then it was profitable for me to give him a number of advantages. In his blindness, he forgot that his proclamation was only composed because he considered me a wreck. If you are a cheat, then don't be a fool too! Frias, whom the Prince of Peace had then sent to Paris and who was supposed to acquit the prince in front of me, and also to convey to me, along with the king's congratulations on my victories, the apologies and regrets of Godoy for what had happened, was only an ostentatious figure; Isquierdo alone was privy to the secrets of the case. In Madrid, they did not understand that the duality of Frias's mission deprived him of any price for congratulations, clothed them in the livery of embarrassment and even fear. However, I did not show anything, since it was important for me first of all that Spain and Portugal join the measures agreed in Tilsit, the purpose of which was to further spread the continental system. Embarrassed by its position in relation to me, the Madrid cabinet decided that it would fix everything if it willingly joined this system. It was more difficult to subjugate Portugal, a country that is under unconditional British influence. If she refused, then it would be necessary to force her, and for this it would be necessary to act in agreement with Spain. Given this state of affairs, it was important for the security of the troops that I would send to Portugal, as well as for the continental system, to occupy several points in Spain. Murat certainly kept the enemies of France at bay, but he did not defeat them. The favorite enjoyed such influence over the king that one could not hope to open the eyes of this gullible old man, and it was necessary to negotiate with Godoy himself in order to achieve the closure of the entire European coast for England. Since the Lisbon court did not want to obey, the observational corps of the Gironde was mobilized, supposedly formed to protect our coast from any encroachments and to fight smuggling. Junot's dispatch to Spain required the conclusion of a definite agreement in the interests of Spain itself. Duroc signed the treaty worked out by Talleyrand and Isquierdo. The treaty gave Spain, the King of Etruria and the Prince of Peace half of Portugal, and kept the other half as a pledge for exchange at the conclusion of peace with England; this world has always been my main goal. Spanish troops were to act with us in Portugal and guard the coast, while the Marquis of La Romana and O "Farril, at the head of other Spanish corps, were to act in the north and in Tuscany, in order to definitely emphasize in the eyes of Europe the complete agreement between us. Austria was England could no longer create illusions for herself. Finally, she had to see her goods being rejected everywhere and the whole of Europe treated her like an enemy. This time everything contributed to the success of my projects, and it seemed that my main The negotiations were so well kept secret, and the military preparations — even in Madrid — were so well led that no one knew anything — The vain Prince of Peace, who only cared about getting the crown in Portugal, forced Charles IV to sign everything.
Essentially, the emperor continued, Spain benefited from this agreement. The old king, delighted with the idea of conquering Portugal and becoming emperor, decided that this title makes him a great man, as if the new title could enchant his subjects more than the old one, and as if to be called emperor means to acquire the genius and energy necessary for that. to revive and defend your beautiful empire. Deep down, we all thought we had done a good job, since the Spanish bombast should have felt fulfilled, but we were deceived. While negotiations were underway at Fontainebleau, Ferdinand, impatient to ascend the throne, conspired against his father. He was looking for support and thought that he would find it if he turned to me with a request to give him one of Josephine's relatives as his wife. To explain this request, which his father did not know about, he stated that he wanted to make him the son-in-law of the favorite. The mystery of this step and of the whole situation angered me. I did not answer him and even gave a scolding to my ambassador, whom I suspected for a moment that he had a hand in this matter. Far from thinking of any change in Spain, I did my best to instill sound ideas in the Lisbon court. Talleyrand, who believed that the result of these measures would be peace with England, sent Lima (the Portuguese envoy in Paris) to Lisbon; but the Lisbon court spent several days in all sorts of evasions and did not want to understand anything. Thus, it was necessary to sign a treaty at Fontainebleau, if only in order to avoid any pretext for disagreements with Spain before the occupation of Portugal. At that time it was very important for me to maintain good relations with Spain. My entire political system depended on this agreement. Talleyrand, who knew my business well and negotiated with Isquierdo, can confirm this to you. I was far from any speculation about the scandalous events that then tarnished Spain and made us look at things differently. I went to Italy, sending you to Petersburg, and in the meantime the attempt on the life of my son against my father, the quarrels between them and the palace intrigues had already changed the situation in many respects. In the end, Ferdinand's ambition took matters to the extreme. All ties were broken, and all good morals were offended. In such a situation, it was necessary to make a certain decision, since Spain, which in the person of the king-father and his favorite was on my side, was now by the power of things and as a result of intrigue that deprived Charles IV of the path in favor of his son, was ready to turn against me, unless I become Ferdinand's accomplice. But such a role was contrary to my principles and was unworthy of me. At the same time, I could not deceive myself about the consequences of this coup, and I did not hesitate to make sure that the courtyard, torn apart by disgusting intrigues, would sacrifice the real interests of the country and its relations with us, if I, reckoning only with the interests of the moment, sided with Karl. IV. It was always disgusting for me to pursue petty politics. Perhaps, on my part, the correct policy would be to help Ferdinand, who at that moment apparently represented the Spanish nation, but that would mean betraying the king, since everyone knew that his son and Duke Infantado were driven by a desire to rule on the throne ... Hatred of the favorite served as a pretext to justify their ambition. The interests of Spain did not play any role in this matter, which was nothing more than a palace intrigue. To interfere in this intrigue would mean for me to become an accomplice of my son's vile betrayal of his father. I picked up the crown of France, which was lying in a puddle. I raised her to the pinnacle of glory, and after that I could not contribute to the desecration of the scepter of Spain and the sacred authority of the king and father. The state of affairs was such that if I spoke in favor of the legitimate authority of the father against the usurping actions of his son, then my statement would go against the will of the Spanish nation and would incur the hatred of the Spaniards on France. Such a decision, contrary to my interests, could not, moreover, give any other result than the continuation of the unrest, since the government of Charles IV had lost all respect. I could not take on the role of support for Godoy against this proud nation. Having decided to save and revive her, if I were forced to interfere in her affairs, I decided to limit myself to waiting for the time being. I contented myself with the role of an observer. Although, in essence, I should not have provided political patronage to the court, which threatened me when I thought that I was in trouble, but I explained to Charles IV his position. But the intrigues of the Prince of Asturias and the favorite, whose interests were so sharply opposed, were an obstacle to any way out of the situation. I was not slow to come to the conviction that both they and the whole nation would be a victim of the current situation. Ferdinand, who had approached me with a request to marry him, now begged me to show him protection; the king asked me to protect him; as for the favorite, he signed up for everything in advance, just to save his authority and preserve his influence. A dishonest minister and a worthless citizen - he thought only of himself. I didn’t want to get dirty by meddling in these intrigues, and continued to maintain great restraint, not wanting to ratify the treaty concluded by Duroc at Fontainebleau until the situation was clarified. Meanwhile, Junot's army occupied Portugal, and the Lisbon court left it and went to Brazil; this forced me to go for new combinations. The events at the Spanish court made me more than ever repulsive to intervene in these scandalous feuds. I thought it would be best to leave them to sort out their dirty linen and give them Portugal, thus removing them for the Ebro; this would have assured me that the government would support the measures taken against England and hand over the Basque provinces into our hands. In fact, Spain benefited from a change that was in its best interests. A good defensive and offensive treaty, in connection with the position that it created for us and for them, turned Spain into a real ally, but stupidity, fear and discord between father and son led to the fact that nothing succeeded. Perhaps, too, I showed Isquierdo too clearly, when he left for Madrid to get things done, my unwillingness to interfere in their strife and my contempt for Godoy and all their intrigues. Doubting that I would want to support him, the old king got scared and was already ready to go to America; but they didn’t have the courage to make an energetic decision. They chose to stay in order to compete with each other and put daggers in the hands of their subjects. I was completely innocent of these events, which were contrary to my interests. I sent more troops to Spain. than he was going to, because in any case he did not want to allow events to turn against us, and fear of the favorite and English intrigues, which were already intertwined with Ferdinand's intrigues, could lead to this. Murat, who commanded the army, did only stupid things and misled me.
The emperor went on to say that "Spanish affairs are due only to a combination of circumstances that could not have been foreseen." These events were very unpleasant to him and forced him to act contrary to his intentions. It was in no way possible to take into account in advance the extraordinary stupidity and weakness that Charles IV showed, or the criminal vanity and duplicity of Ferdinand, vicious and at the same time pitiful.
The emperor added that Ferdinand came to Bayonne on the advice of the Toledo archdeacon Eskaykits, who thought to bring Ferdinand both his wife and the kingdom in this way; the old king also came to Bayonne of his own free will. The Emperor told me several times that he had frankly talked with the Spaniards who had arrived in Bayonne even before Ferdinand's arrival and did not hide his opinion of him from them; thus, it was entirely up to those who had arrived before Ferdinand to warn him, and it was entirely up to him to turn back.
According to the emperor, even after the arrival of Ferdinand, he remained for a long time indecisive; then he saw that things had taken a bad turn and now everyone will explain events in their own way in order to justify themselves, and they will reproach him for this matter, as they reproach him for everything that ends in failure, although he was guided exclusively by those considerations that, according to mature reflections seemed to him to be in the interests of both the Spanish nation and France. He repeated again that it was impossible to imagine how blind and stupid were the advisers who enjoyed the confidence of the king and his son, and to what extent Murat was carried away by the prince of Peace, for whom he interceded in every possible way. It is also impossible to imagine to what extent the Queen Mother's hatred for her son and the son's hatred for mother and father has reached. His parents considered him capable of anything, even an attempt to poison them, as the queen once told the emperor. Most of all she and the king were afraid of falling into his hands; because of this, they left Spain, fearing his return there, and because of this, they all the time refused to return to Spain themselves.
All of them, the emperor said, endlessly told him about their grievances against each other. It got to the point that at times he blushed for them and tried to break off the conversation so as not to get dirty himself, listening to so many nasty things; each was busy only with himself; in none of them did he ever notice any thought about the interests of Spain.
The Emperor then told me about Eskaykits, who was obsessed with only one idea - to marry Ferdinand in Bayonne.
This is a petty intriguer, - said the emperor. - However, I would have acted quite expediently if I had a hand in this project, since at that moment Ferdinand was the idol of the Spaniards. But then they would not fail to say that I incited him to everything and was an accomplice in his conspiracy; I preferred anything but this. I had to choose between three possible solutions in this matter, I chose the one that was prompted to me by the interests of the well-being of Spain, as well as our interests. As for the other two possible solutions, one of them turned me into an accomplice in the crime, and the other into an accomplice in the humiliation of a nation that wanted to shake off the shame of the last reign. I could not hesitate in my choice, and these considerations did not allow me to send Karl and Ferdinand to Spain, as my interests suggested to me. Ferdinand would soon have exhausted the enthusiasm with which the nation felt for him, and the return of his father would have humiliated him too much, and it would not have been six months since he would have called me for help. But Champapia and Mare thought that it was necessary to seize the moment when events were ripe and when it was especially easy to bring about a change, since Charles and Ferdinand had completely discredited themselves in Bayonne, even in the eyes of the Spaniards most devoted to them. Murat told me stories that misled me. I wanted to ease the misfortunes of this country; I was wrong. If I had followed my first impulse, I would have sent the king and his son home. Spain would be at my feet now. I was deceived, or rather, events deceived all human foresight. Could it have been foreseen that Murat would only do stupid things, and Dupont would go for meanness? Someday the Spaniards will regret the constitution I gave them; she would revive their country. The reason for the uprising in Spain was Dupont's greed, his greed, his desire to preserve the fortune acquired by dishonest means at all costs. All was ruined by the surrender at Baylen. To save his wagons, laden with looted goods, DuPont condemned the soldiers, his countrymen, to the shame of the unprecedented surrender that made such a deplorable impression on the Spanish people, and to the shame of exposing the blasphemous pillage of churches that DuPont allowed to cover up his own thefts. Agreeing to inspect the soldiers' knapsacks, subject to the inviolability of his own luggage, he personally signed his dishonor on the pages of history. Baylen is the Kavdin gorge of our history. The sight of objects stolen from churches was the signal for an uprising; the instigators took advantage of this to incite the superstitious people to revenge.
Literature:
Kudryavtsev A.E. The Spanish Revolution of 1808-1814. - "Scientist. app. Leningrad. state ped. in-ta ”, 1939, v. 22, p. 5-44;
The World History. T. 6.M., 1959, p. 105.